Saturday, July 19, 2008

Three important policy elements of the India-US Nuclear and 123 agreements

As India debates and will vote for the India-US Nuclear agreement through its members of parliament (it is a proxy vote in that the members of parliament will be voting whether the parliament trusts the current government or not), and as individual members of parliament are being tugged in different directions including their own conscience, there are three policy questions they should consider.

Based on their assessment on these three policy elements, the members of parliament should cast their votes.

(1) Will the safeguards agreement between India and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and the exemption obtained from the Nuclear Suppliers' Group assure India uninterrupted supply of nuclear fuel and technology in perpetuity if India abides by the IAEA agreement even if the United States exercises the Hyde Amendment prerogative? (The Hyde Act in the India-US Nuclear agreement prohibits the U.S. administration from directly or indirectly assisting India with lifetime fuel supplies after suspension of the deal).

Simply put, is there separability between the agreement with IAEA and the Nuclear Suppliers' Group (bilateral 123 agreement), and the India-US Nuclear agreement?

The Indian government including Prime Minister ManMohan Singh and Congress party president Mrs. Sonia Gandhi appears to think that the answer to this question is "Yes". Several others -- policy leaders and scientists including P. K. Iyengar (former chairman, Atomic Energy Commission), A. Gopalakrishnan (former Atomic Energy Regulatory Board chief) and A.N. Prasad (former Bhabha Atomic Research Centre Director) assert that the answer is "No". (The three scientists, "Therefore, the government owes a clarification to the Parliament and the public about how they intend to avoid the consequential huge economic loss from the non-operation of these extremely costly imported reactors, as a result of fuel denial.”)

(2) Will the Nuclear agreement with the IAEA and the Nuclear Suppliers' Group (NSG), and/or the agreement with the United States weaken, in any manner, India’s nuclear deterrent and an ability to protect & promote indigenous R&D efforts in nuclear technology?

Simply put, will India's national security and/or sovereignty be compromised? The government says, "No". Others assert that the agreements would compromise the security interests at least some.

(3) Will the Nuclear agreement with the IAEA and the Nuclear Suppliers' Group (NSG), and/or the agreement with the United States have negative collateral effects on other areas of national interest such agriculture, defense and space?

Simply put, will India's national interests be protected? The government says, "Yes". Other including Placid Rodriguez assert that India's national interests may be compromised. (Rodgriguez, "My greatest reservation (about the deal) is that the strategic alliance between India and the US is going into agriculture because in the other three sectors (defence, space and nuclear) we are strong and we can go independently and we will go.)

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